Conflict in the Niger Delta Essay Example for Free

Conflict in the Niger Delta Essay The conflict happening in the Niger Delta stated in 1990. The tensions involve foreign oil corporation and members of some Niger Delta’s minority ethnic groups, particularly the Ogoni and the Ijaw. The instability continued from the 1990s until recently even though there are major changes in the government structure. The area surrounding the Delta is now heavily militarized by the Nigerian army and police forces, and numerous armed groups belonging to the ethnic groups (Barrett). According to the Center for International Development and Conflict Management (â€Å"Minorities at Risk. A Country Case Study†) violence and high crime rate is a common scenario in the Delta because of the stiff contest for oil. Government atrocities with civilian as victims are also recorded in the area. One of the most conflicted areas in the Delta is Oganiland. Located in the southeast of the Niger Delta, Oganiland is a region comprising 404-squale-mile of the area. Shell and Chevron set up their exploration and drilling facilities in the area upon the discovery of oil deposits in 1957. The rich oil deposit in Oganiland is considered as Nigeria’s first petroleum deposit for commercial purposes. During the exploration of the two largest foreign oil companies, government authorities and agents forced residents of the area to leave. This government-initiated forced evacuation on the area affected almost half a million ethnic minorities belonging to the group Ogonis and other ethnic groups (Agbu). They also attest that the government and the foreign oil companies did not conduct any consultation with them and offer any damages. Despite the strong opposition from the affected minorities, the federal government supported the atrocities by amending the Constitution that the government has the full ownership on all lands within Nigeria and compensation will be based on the crops and products located in the land during the taking and not the actual value of the land. These further allow the taking of foreign oil corporations on almost all of the lands in Oganiland with the help of the government (â€Å"Minorities at Risk. A Country Case Study. †). In the 1980s, the situation of Oganiland and the Oganis deteriorated economically, socially, politically and environmentally. Dissatisfaction and discontent among the people in Oganiland steadily mounts that in 1992 they formed the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP). It became the main organization campaigning for various issues of the Oganis, primarily ethnic and environmental rights. MOSOP became the main opposition of the Nigerian government and foreign oil companies in Oganiland (Agbu). The conflict between MOSOP and oil companies escalated that it resulted to violence disrupting some of the oil companies’ major activities in the area. MOSOP required $10 billion as royalties since the companies started and for the degradation of the environment in Oganiland (Olusakin). However, according to Agbu (2004) the oil companies, Shell, Chevron and the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation, with the help of government authorities answered the MOSOP’s demand through violence also. Mass actions and protests started to occur in a daily basis in Oganiland that resulted the banning of public assembly by the government. It also pronounced as acts of treason any disturbances of oil production and related activities in the area. Militarization and repression rose in 1994 where in four village chiefs were murdered. The head of MOSOP, Ken Saro-Wira was detained because of the killings. Hundreds were also arbitrarily arrested and detained because of the killings. By June of the same year, there were almost 30 villages totally ruined, almost 2,000 deaths and leaving nearly 100,000 Oganis as internal refugees (Human Rights Watch). In 1994 Saro-Wira with other eight Ogani activist were arrested and sentenced to death. They are executed though hanging by the Nigerian government. The deaths of Saro-Wira and his companions enraged the people of Oganiland that resulted to more disruptive and violent actions against the oil companies. The militancy of the Oganis inspired other ethic groups to start their own struggle against the government and the foreign oil companies (Olusakin). The Ijaws organized the Ijaw National Congress and Ijaw youth organized the Ijaw Youth Congress. These two groups raise the political consciousness and militancy of the Ijaw people. They started to lay down their demands against the irresponsive central Nigerian government and to the foreign oil companies. They are asserting that these companies should have direct and concrete plans to uplift the lives of the people in the Niger Delta (Obi). Recently, armed and more militant groups like Niger Delta Peoples Vanguard (NDPV), Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), Niger Delta People’s Volunteer Force (NDPVF) and the Nigerian Delta Vigilante (NDV) were organized. Although these groups were formed because of the continuous environmental degradation, government neglect and social and political unrest in the area, they are now in conflict on varying ideologies and forms of actions (Obi). Most of them aim to gain control of the area’s rich oil resources. NDPVF and NDV are in conflict with each other. Violence between the groups rose resulting to disruptive activities in Port Harcourt, the Delta’s oil capital. Supporters of NDPVF transferred to NDV escalating more the conflict between the two groups (Agbu). After the local and national elections of 2003, NDPVF announced their all-out war against the government (Olusakin). However, MEND is closely affiliated with NDV. They reached their international reputation when they hijacked oil tankers crossing through the country and nearby countries. They arbitrarily detained workers in the tankers for months and demanding for ransom for their release. Last year, they attacked various oil installations and facilities of oil company Shell that resulted to oil price increase. They also attacked a facility of Chevron, forcing the company to halt operations in the region for that year (Obi). In 2005, the central government called the National Political reform Conference. Representatives of the Niger Delta raised various concerns on the development of the region. Numerous non-government and human rights organization have also called the attention of the central government to introduce reform in the region. There are proposals to divide the region into two, Eastern Niger Delta and Western Niger Delta, to make developmental projects easier to implement (Taylor). The ventral government should also convert new states in the region with at least one city in every state. Taylor (2007) said that federal offices and ministries should also set-up their branches in the region to make government services more accessible to ethnic minorities in the region. The government is also urged to enact legislations compelling oil companies to implement developmental projects in their host communities and strictly follow environmental laws. International civil society groups have also suggested that the central government implement policies to have more transparency in the revenues and fiscal matters on the oil industries. The Washington-based Human Rights Watch (2002) also strongly recommends that state security forces should be investigated and persecuted on their abuses on the civilians in the region (p. 5). The conflict in the region is already decade-old and seems will never end. The Nigerian government should seriously implement reforms and developmental projects in the region to alleviate poverty among its people. The more delay on these developments needed, the more people will be agitated to join the armed resistance fueled by inequality among the oil company and the ethnic minorities of the Niger Delta. Works Cited: Agbu, Osita. (2004). Ethnic Militias and the Threat to Democracy in Post-Transition Nigeria. Uppsala: Nordic African Institue. Barrett, Ejiroghene. â€Å"Why the Troubles in the Niger Delta. † New African 456 (2006): 40-45 â€Å"Minorities at Risk. A Country Case Study. † 2 April 2009. Center fro International Development and Conflict Management. http://cidcm. umd. edu. Olusakin, Ayoka Mopelala. â€Å"Peace in the Niger Delta: Economic Development and the Politics of Dependence on Oil. † International Journal on World Peace 23 (2006): 3 Obi, Cyril (1997). Globalization and Local Resistance: The Case of the Ogoni versus Shell. Ibadan: University of Ibadan. Obi, Cyril (2001). The Changing Forms of Identity Politics in Nigeria under Economic Adjustment: The Case of the Oil Minorities Movement of the Niger Delta. Uppsala: Nordic African Institute. Taylor, Darren. â€Å"Niger Delta and Lack of Infrastructure: Major Issues in Nigeria Elections. † Voice of America. 22 March 2007. 2 April 2009 http://www. voanews. com/english/ archive/2007-03/Niger-Delta-Conflict-and-Lack-of-Infrastructure-Major-Issues-in-Nigeria-Elections. cfm â€Å"The Niger Delta: No Democratic Dividend. † October 2002. Human Rights Watch. 2 April 2009. http://www. hrw. org/legacy/reports/2002/nigeria3/nigerdelta. pdf

The Nuclear Family is No Longer the Norm in Modern Britain :: Sociology

In this essay, I am going to be talking about nuclear families not being the norm anymore. A nuclear family is a family that consists of the mother, father and the child/children. A heterosexual relationship between the mother and father, which would be based on love and compassion. The mother’s role includes cooking for the family and looking after the children. The father’s role includes providing for the family and acting as a role model towards the children. The children are offspring of both the mother and the father. Years ago, nuclear families were the norm in Britain. It was required that the relationship between a couple should be armoured by marriage. Although this point isn’t really believed anymore, some people still follow it-e.g. -Christians believe that couples should get married before they have any sort of sexually relationship, or even children. If your family wasn’t nuclear, you were considered as different to the society. You would even be treated differently. Not having a nuclear family would be a single mother with children, or a single father with children (though in some cases the adult could be a widow/widower). Another way of not being a nuclear family would even be being single/not married! In those days they used the word spinster for single women. (The word is not really used today, as it can be offensive to single women, although some cultures still choose to use it.) Nowadays, nuclear families are NOT the norm AT ALL. In fact, there are so many different types of families. There are single parent families, adopted families (where the child/children has been adopted), foster families (where the child/children has been fostered), gay and lesbian families, reconstituted (otherwise known as stepfamilies) and many many more. Personally, I think that the reason why nuclear families are no longer the norm in modern Britain is because of the different ways of life people have and the different views to life that people have. For example, single people could decide to have a child and not

Imperialism and Colonization Essay

Colonization and imperialism are inherently associated with an economic model that is meant to boost the economy of the colonizing power (herein referred to as benefactor state) by providing target market for manufactured goods and source of raw materials. During the twentieth century most colonies gained independence or autonomy resulting in a disruption of the economic model associated with colonization and imperialism. A current trend is globalization which necessitates a complete reversal of the economic role of states. The role has changed from serving as a market for the benefactor state to manufacturing products using inexpensive labor that are then sold back to the benefactor state. Many states (particularly in Africa) have not been able to adjust to this change and have, thus, been caught between colonization and globalization without strong economic ties to other nations. To minimize conflict within a state and between states, the respective nations must have ties that are strong enough to transcend national boundaries. This is evident when examining global trends such as colonization and globalization which tend to focus nations that would normally be at odds on a common goal. In the case of colonization, natives of occupied territories are inclined to unite against the occupying power. A current trend towards globalization has forced nations to unite because of an increased economic dependence between states. The claim (albeit untrue) that there has never been a war between two countries having McDonalds underscores the importance of economic ties that can transcend national boundaries. A History of Imperialism and Colonization During the height of colonialism, Britain controlled over a quarter of the land and one third of the population. Combined, Britain and eight other European countries controlled approximately 84% of the earth’s surface. (Conklin: 1) What factors allowed Europeans to exert such a strong influence on other parts of the world? More importantly, what were the motivations for subjugating the rest of the world that have made such a profound impact even in the modern world? J. A. Hobson describes the driving force behind olonization as â€Å"the investor who cannot find at home the profitable use he seeks for his capital, and insists that his Government should help him to profitable and secure investments abroad. † (Hobson: 15) On the practical side of colonization, armies are needed and colonization can’t occur until an industrial revolution begins. Industrialization requires cheap labor, a navy, a target market to buy surplus p roducts and raw materials. Without a large enough target audience for selling goods, the industrial revolution would have been stymied and Britain’s economy and industry could not have advanced as rapidly. Essentially, raw materials are shipped out of colonies to the colonizing country, manufactured into a finished product using cheap labor and then sold back to the colonies at profit. (Kollenbroich) Undoubtedly, there are other factors that motivated European powers to colonize; Christianity, national pride and civilizing those perceived as savages to name some. However, there is no denying that most colonies became economically dependent on the colonizing country. This implies that economic reasons, regardless of other motivating factors for colonization, were a driving force in colonization. In fact, the factors such as Christianity, national pride and the mission to civilize would often go hand in hand with the economic motivation and serve to conceal the economic reasons from the general public. (Kollenbroich) M. K. Ghandi agrees with that statement, â€Å"England is a nation of shopkeepers,† (attributed to Napoleon) and goes on to describe how the British, â€Å"hold whatever dominions they have for the sake of their commerce. † (Ghandi: 25) Continuing on the same note, Ghandi explains that the British view the world as a vast market for their goods. According to Ghandi, the British didn’t conquer India per se; rather the acceptance of British commerce, lifestyle and law allowed the British to govern India. For this very reason, Ghandi promotes a lifestyle lacking in machinery. â€Å"What did India do before these articles were introduced? Precisely the same should be done today. † (Ghandi 28-29) In Ghandi’s opinion, removing economic ties to Britain and rest of Europe, India would eventually attain sovereignty. Clearly, the economy plays a vital role in colonization and is a strong motivation by providing raw materials and markets to sell finished goods. The question that begs to be asked is: How were Europeans able to convince or force other parts of the world to accept colonization? The answer has everything to do with image. If natives didn’t believe that the Europeans were superior, revolts would have been much more widespread. In turn, European militaries would have been spread too thin and outnumbered. The key to preventing this lies in creating the illusion for natives that the Europeans are superior in every way and resistance is futile. The style of rule is as important as the fact the Europeans are in control of the colony. Typically the French would use a divide and conquer strategy. They would bring in French administrators and subject the natives to French culture. This was effective because the French often grouped tribes or groups of natives that didn’t get along. Instead of fighting the French, the natives would fight amongst themselves. On the other hand, the British would preserve parts of the local system and choose natives leaders. This was effective for the British because it gave the natives the illusion of a certain level of autonomy while the British remained in control. Kollenbroich) The socio-economic model in most colonies was noticeably lacking a middle class. On one hand there are the natives who are often dirt poor by European standards and on the other hand there are the business and elite classes that are continually sucking profit out of the colonies. This is somewhat true of even Europe because of industrialization which left a large lower class working in the factories fo r minimal wages. The Trend of Globalization The push towards a more global economy has several important consequences. Many states that were once colonizing powers have seen their role shift to that of economic powerhouses with global cities that serve as command and control centers for the economy. (Sassen, 4) In the wake of globalization, an increasing number of firms have centralized their business presence in the downtown areas of global cities and placed numerous factories in foreign states to take advantage of lower labor prices. The placement or acquisition of factories in other states is known as foreign direct investment (FDI). The five major exporters of capital (United States, United Kingdom, Japan, France and Germany) account for 70 percent of FDI (Sassen 11). According to Sassen, â€Å"the growth in FDI has been embedded in the internationalization of production of goods and services. † (Sassen: 10) This is readily evident when considering the number of factories being built in Latin American and Southeast Asian. The semiconductor explosion coupled with other industries choosing to locate in Asia has led to an â€Å"emergence of Southeast Asia as a crucial transnational space for production. (Sassen: 11) Prominent American companies have increasingly moved the manufacturing of products offshore to take advantage of more lax labor laws and significantly lower wages. The transition from colonization to globalization has seen the role of foreign countries move from buying products to creating products cheaply. The economics of intervention has played a more dominant role in foreign policy and will continue to do so in the future. For decades the United States and Soviet Union struggled to see capitalism and communism spread, respectively. The struggle played out both economically and militarily in many countries throughout the world and is important because more often than not decolonized countries would be in need of economic and sometimes military intervention. More recently, the United States and other countries have faced decisions about whether to intervene in situations such as Somalia and other African states. Interventions such as these are often viewed by the much of the public as too little too late and this can be attributed, at least in part, to a lack of economic interest in the conflict. In fact, intervention costs millions and sometimes billions of dollars which, in many politicians’ eyes, is not justified. To make matters worse, politicians are very careful about labeling conflicts as massacres or genocide because as soon as a conflict is labeled as such, it ethically requires intervention. What happens then to a state caught between colonization and globalization that has little or no economical tie to the global economy? If the conflict receives enough attention on the world stage and there is enough bloodshed, then there is a good chance that a peacekeeping force will intervene. However, the chance of intervention in a conflict with little or no bloodshed is much slimmer and may never materialize. Case Study: Zimbabwe According to the International Crisis Group, â€Å"Zimbabwe’s economy is hemorrhaging. † (Zimbabwe: 5) Zimbabwe’s economy has shrunk approximately 25 percent since 1998, inflation is more than 228% percent (Zimbabwe: CIA) and unemployment is higher than 60 percent. Foreign direct investment (FDI) has decreased from 436 million USD in 1998 to 4. 5 million USD. The FDI alone is indicative of an ever increasing gap between today’s global economy and the economy of Zimbabwe. Any economic ties that Zimbabwe has with the rest of the world are slowly wasting away with a decrease in gold production and decreased foreign aid. In fact, reducing hours and production volume is now the norm and has led to a scarcity of basic commodities within the country. To make a poor situation even worse, the government of Zimbabwe has been directing farm seizures that have led to 95 percent of large scale farmers either stopping operations or being severely disrupted. The food production has declined by 40 percent and prompted a United Nations (UN) report that warns of the potential of famine. If predictions hold true, Zimbabwe’s harvests will not be enough to feed the entire population Zimbabwe will be forced to import food. The government has gone as far as deploying army and police units to deal with riots, should they break out. (Zimbabwe) The ruling ZANU-PF party has been systematically eliminating opposition from the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). The ZANU-PF has been accused of distributing food to party members rather than equally which means that even children of MDC supporters have food withheld. ZANU-PF supporters, civil servants and traditional leaders are blocking MDC supporters from acquiring maize †¦ It is clear that some schemes have been discriminatory for months without the donor being aware. (Zimbabwe: 7) Thus far, the rest of the world has been passive about the happenings in Zimbabwe. In part, this can be attributed to the need to intervene if a country or countries declare a humanitarian crisis in Zimbabwe. As noted earlier the FDI has dramatically declined resulting in essentially no economic ties between Zimbabwe and the rest of the world. More than likely, aid or intervention will not take place without a crisis that places Zimbabwe in the center of the world stage. Zimbabwe is just one former colony of many (in Africa and other parts of the world) that gained independence and left behind the imperialistic economy. Unfortunately, Zimbabwe has stepped out of one economic model and failed to step into the global economy. This is evident in the dramatically decreased FDI and production as well as the lack of intervention from other states. Focus on Former African Colonies World War II left the European powers (with the exception of Portugal) scrambling to leave Africa. As alluded to earlier, colonizing is an expensive business that takes enormous resources and ultimately is profitable for a relatively small number people. Most European colonies in Africa were never as profitable as had been hoped for couldn’t be justified like India and some other colonies. The bad name given to imperialism by Hitler helped accelerate the process in Africa as well as other parts of the world. Due to a lack of economic motivation capable of transcending national boundaries, many former colonies have descended into civil wars and other disputes between nations within the state. As demonstrated with Zimbabwe, this conflict is not necessarily militarily (although this is often the case) carried out and may be something as appalling as withholding food or other basic commodities from a portion of the population. Countless other African states such as Somali, Uganda, Liberia, Sudan, Ethiopia, Rwanda and the Congo have had or continue to have conflicts between nations. Many countries in Africa are lacking a solid economy that isn’t dominated by a single sector such as agriculture.

MIT Acceptance Rate, SAT/ACT Scores

Massachusetts Institute of Technology is a private research university with an acceptance rate of 6.7%. MIT is one of the nations top engineering schools and is one of the most selective schools in the country. MIT does not use the Common Application, applicants to MIT will complete their application on the MIT website. Considering applying to this highly selective school? Here are the MIT admissions statistics you should know. Why MIT? Location: Cambridge, MassachusettsCampus Features: MITs 166-acre campus stretches along the Charles River and overlooks the Boston skyline. Dozens of Boston-area colleges are a short walk or train ride away.Student/Faculty Ratio: 3:1Athletics: The MIT Engineers compete at the NCAA Division III level for most sports.Highlights: One of the best schools in the world for engineering, MIT also has a chapter of Phi Beta Kappa for strong programs in the liberal arts and sciences. MIT also claims to have one of the nations best college dorms. Acceptance Rate During the 2017-18 admissions cycle, MIT had an acceptance rate of 6.7%. This means that for every 100 students who applied, 6 students were admitted, making MITs admissions process highly competitive. Admissions Statistics (2017-18) Number of Applicants 21,706 Percent Admitted 6.7% Percent Admitted Who Enrolled (Yield) 76% SAT Scores and Requirements MIT requires that all applicants submit either SAT or ACT scores. During the 2017-18 admissions cycle, 75% of admitted students submitted SAT scores. SAT Range (Admitted Students) Section 25th Percentile 75th Percentile ERW 720 770 Math 780 800 ERW=Evidence-Based Reading and Writing This admissions data tells us that most of MITs admitted students fall within the top 7% nationally on the SAT. For the evidence-based reading and writing section, 50% of students admitted to MIT scored between 720 and 770, while 25% scored below 720 and 25% scored above 770. On the math section, 50% of admitted students scored between 780 and 800, while 25% scored below 780 and 25% scored a perfect 800. Applicants with a composite SAT score of 1570 or higher will have particularly competitive chances at MIT. Requirements MIT does not require the SAT writing section. Note that MIT participates in the scorechoice program, which means that the admissions office will consider your highest score from each individual section across all SAT test dates. Applicants to MIT must submit one SAT Subject test in math and one in science. ACT Scores and Requirements MIT requires that all applicants submit either SAT or ACT scores. During the 2017-18 admissions cycle, 48% of admitted students submitted ACT scores. ACT Range (Admitted Students) Section 25th Percentile 75th Percentile English 34 36 Math 34 36 Composite 34 36 This admissions data tells us that most of MITs admitted students fall within the top 1% nationally on the ACT. The middle 50% of students admitted to MIT received a composite score between 34 and 36, while 25% scored below 34 and 25% received a perfect 36. Requirements MIT does not require the ACT writing section. Unlike many universities, MIT superscores ACT results; your highest subscores from multiple ACT sittings will be considered. Regardless of whether you choose the ACT or SAT, applicants to MIT must submit one SAT Subject test in math and one in science. GPA Massachusetts Institute of Technology does not provide data about admitted students high school GPAs. Self-Reported GPA/SAT/ACT Graph MIT Applicants Self-Reported GPA/SAT/ACT Graph.   Data courtesy of Cappex. The admissions data in the graph is self-reported by applicants to MIT. GPAs are unweighted. Find out how you compare, see the real-time graph, and calculate your own chances of getting in with a free Cappex account. Admissions Chances MIT has a highly competitive admissions pool with a low acceptance rate and high average SAT/ACT scores. However, MIT has a holistic admissions process involving other factors beyond your grades and test scores. Strong application essays and glowing letters of recommendation can strengthen your application, as can participation in meaningful extracurricular activities and a rigorous course schedule. Students with particularly compelling stories or achievements can still receive serious consideration even if their test scores are outside MITs average range. In the graph above, the blue and green dots represent accepted students, and you can see that most students who were accepted by MIT had 4.0 GPAs, SAT scores (ERWM) above 1400, and ACT composite scores above 30.  It is also important to note that  many students with perfect GPAs and test scores in the top 1% still get rejected from MIT. Applicants should consider a highly selective school like MIT or one of the  Ivy League schools  to be a  reach school  even if their grades and test scores are on target for admission. All admissions data has been sourced from the National Center for Education Statistics and Massachusetts Institute of Technology Undergraduate Admissions Office.